perspective
Why Prefunding Persists
The $10 trillion prefunding trap is not a bug in cross-border payments. It is a feature, carefully maintained by the actors who benefit from it.
Published
Prefunding persists because reform transfers value away from concentrated incumbents while the benefits are diffuse, delayed, and politically fragmented.
Reader Brief
The $10 trillion prefunding trap is not a bug in cross-border payments. It is a feature, carefully maintained by the actors who benefit from it. This piece maps the political economy: who gains, what keeps reform slow, and what breaks the lock.
What's Inside
The status-quo coalition, the Olson logic behind slow reform, the triggers that break the lock, and the corridor-by-corridor forecast.
This Perspective starts with the actors extracting value from prefunding, then explains why a concentrated status-quo coalition can hold back a diffuse reform coalition. It then maps the triggers that break the political lock and ends with the limits and counterarguments that keep the forecast grounded.
None are villains. Each responds rationally to inherited incentives. G-SIBs earn 100-300 bps NIM on $3-5T in nostro/vostro deposits. Central banks prefer visible flows over efficient ones. Compliance vendors earn per-relationship rents. Incumbent PSPs capture spread on the cost stack.
The beneficiaries of reform, meaning everyone who sends a cross-border payment, are large, diffuse, and unorganized. The beneficiaries of the status quo, meaning a few G-SIBs and a few compliance vendors, are concentrated and organized. The asymmetry of organization explains why reform lags economics by roughly a decade.
Nigeria 2023-2024, where FX crisis reversed the 2021 crypto ban. Basel IV de-risking, where each G-SIB exit forces local reform. Kenya CBK and Malaysia BNM, where governors treat payments modernization as signature policy. Each has been observed in at least one jurisdiction since 2020.
Fifteen to twenty-five jurisdictions will have all three forces aligned by 2028. The $10T trap does not collapse. It shrinks corridor by corridor as the status quo coalition loses locally. The total stays enormous. The trend is what matters.
The Question
The economics, technology, and regulation may all be visible, yet the capital remains trapped.
If prefunding immobilizes $10 trillion globally and costs operators hundreds of billions in annual opportunity cost, why has no one fixed it? This is the puzzle. The economics have been obvious for a decade. The technology has been adequate for five years. The regulation has been emerging since 2023. And yet the capital remains trapped.
The answer is not that reform is technically hard. It is that reform transfers value away from actors who would rather keep it. The persistence is a political outcome, not a technical one.
Most payments analysis treats prefunding as a technical problem awaiting a technical solution. Better rails will fix it. This framing explains why prefunding has not been fixed yet, because better rails did not exist. It does not explain why prefunding persists even as better rails appear.
Political economy explains the second half. Once you see who benefits, the pace of reform starts to make sense.
Who Benefits From The Status Quo
Four actor groups extract value from the prefunding system as it exists.
Four actors extract value from the prefunding system as it exists. G-SIBs capture float income, central banks retain visibility, compliance infrastructure earns per-relationship rents, and incumbent PSPs capture spread on the cost stack.
Concentrated Benefits Beat Diffuse Savings
The actors paid by today's complexity can coordinate; the people who would save money from reform are scattered.
Organized now
Immediate rent pools
- floatBalance income and client control
- spreadFX and corridor pricing power
- toolsForecasting and reconciliation revenue
Scattered later
Diffuse unlock dividend
Many businesses would save a little capital, but no single group owns enough upside to force reform alone.
reform loses the coordination contestG-SIBs: float income on prefunded balances.
Central banks: visible flows inside the supervised banking perimeter.
Compliance infrastructure: per-relationship rents from the existing correspondent structure.
Incumbent PSPs: spread capture on the existing cost stack.
None of these four actors is a villain in this story. Each responds rationally to the incentive structure they inherited. The system persists because changing it costs them specifically, and benefits them diffusely.
This is Mancur Olson's Logic of Collective Action applied to payments infrastructure. The beneficiaries of reform, meaning everyone who sends a cross-border payment, are large, diffuse, and unorganized. The beneficiaries of the status quo, meaning a few G-SIBs, a few compliance vendors, and a few incumbent PSPs, are concentrated, organized, and well-resourced.
In every political arena where these two groups face each other, the concentrated group wins for longer than the economics would suggest. Payments reform is a particularly stark example because the economics have been against the status quo since roughly 2015.
G-SIB Float Economics
Prefunding money is not idle from the bank perspective. It is deposits that fund the balance sheet.
Prefunding money is not idle from the bank's perspective. It is deposits. It funds the bank's balance sheet at near-zero cost.
The source frames this as the portion of prefunding that supports global systemically important banks.
The source treats this as embedded in correspondent economics rather than separately disclosed.
Applied across the global G-SIB correspondent book, this is a multi-hundred-billion-dollar annual revenue line. It does not appear as a separate line item in G-SIB financial statements because it is embedded in net interest income. But it is a substantial portion of correspondent banking's P&L.
G-SIB segment reporting aggregates correspondent banking with other wholesale banking lines. The float component is not broken out. This is not accidental. It is defensible accounting but it is also convenient opacity.
Reform advocates cannot cite the exact number. Critics of reform can claim it is small. The information asymmetry favors the incumbent side of the debate.
If a correspondent relationship moves from T+2 prefunded to T+0 on-demand settlement, the G-SIB loses both the float income and the fee revenue associated with the relationship. The fee revenue is easier to replace. The float income is harder.
This is why G-SIBs have been slow to promote T+0 tokenized deposit settlement even though they have the technology. T+0 is good for the customer and bad for the bank's net interest margin.
Central Bank Inertia
Central banks often prefer visible but inefficient flows to efficient flows that require new supervisory capacity.
Central banks prefer the system they can see. Prefunding concentrates cross-border activity inside the supervised banking perimeter. That makes it visible. Alternatives move activity off the perimeter and into rails the central bank does not yet supervise.
Control Without Visibility Becomes Fragile
A restrictive rule can preserve the appearance of control while pushing real payment demand outside observable rails.
Legacy banking
Visible but slow
Activity stays inside supervised banks, but the route is expensive and brittle.
Licensed rail
Visible and faster
Reporting capacity moves with the payment rail, so supervision sees the flow.
Restriction
Control looks intact
The rulebook blocks operators without reducing user demand.
Leakage
Informal channels grow
The regulator keeps authority on paper and loses the transaction data.
| Rail | Central-bank visibility tradeoff |
|---|---|
Prefunded correspondent banking | Visible to the central bank. |
Tokenized deposits | Visible, but requires new supervisory effort. |
Regulated stablecoins | Partially visible. |
Informal stablecoins | Invisible. |
A central bank facing a choice between visible but inefficient and efficient but requiring new supervisory capability often chooses the first. Not out of malice. Out of institutional capacity constraints.
A central bank in a reactive archetype, meaning most emerging markets, inherited crypto rules written for speculation. Extending those rules to payments would require legislative action, capital budget for new supervision, and political willingness to admit that the existing framework is misclassifying flows.
None of these are zero-cost. The cheapest option for a reactive central bank is to maintain the existing framework and let the informal flows grow unsupervised. This is why reactive-to-permissive transitions lag so far behind when the economics would otherwise favor them.
The CBK in Kenya and BNM in Malaysia have both signaled willingness to issue frameworks for regulated stablecoin payments. Both face institutional capacity constraints and neither has moved at the pace reform advocates would prefer. But both are meaningfully ahead of the median emerging-market central bank.
What distinguishes them is a Governor or Deputy Governor who has chosen to spend institutional capital on the issue. That is the scarce resource. It is not technical capability.
The Reform Lobbies
Reform advocates push for change from different endpoints, and those endpoints do not always align.
Reform advocates are not monolithic. Four distinct groups push for change, often against each other, which is part of why reform moves slowly.
| Reform bloc | What they want | What they oppose |
|---|---|---|
Fintech operators | Licensed stablecoin rails, reduced bank intermediation | CBDC substitution, restrictive regulation |
Reform-minded central banks | Tokenized deposit networks, wholesale CBDC | Unsupervised stablecoins at retail scale |
Corporate treasuries | T+0 settlement, transparent pricing, working capital release | Operational complexity from multiple rails |
Consumer advocates | Sub-3% remittance cost, fee transparency | Unlicensed rails that expose users to fraud |
Each reform bloc has a preferred endpoint. Fintech operators want their licensed rails to win. Central banks want tokenized deposits or CBDCs to win. Corporate treasuries are agnostic but risk-averse. Consumer advocates want the cheapest option but reject unlicensed rails.
These preferences do not compose into a single coalition. The reform side is a loose federation. The status quo side is a tight oligopoly. The asymmetry of organization matters.
Two catalysts align the reform blocs: FX stress in a specific jurisdiction, because everyone wants the corridor fixed, and a visible failure in the incumbent system, such as the 2023 USD correspondent crunch in parts of Africa temporarily aligning reform lobbies.
These alignments are episodic, not structural. They produce pockets of reform. They do not produce systemic reform until enough pockets accumulate.
The Change Triggers
Three specific triggers break the political lock, and each has appeared in at least one jurisdiction since 2020.
Three specific triggers break the political lock. FX crisis can shift a restrictive regime toward permission. G-SIB exit can force a reactive regime to formalize alternatives. A reform-minded governor can move a reactive regime toward a proactive framework.
Only Shocks Break The Political Lock
Prefunding stays politically locked until economic pain, a credible alternative, and an accountable reform owner line up.
Default state
Technical inefficiency stays tolerated.
Everyone knows prefunding is wasteful, but no one owns enough political upside to spend reform capital.
- tumbler 1
Economic failure
FX scarcity or bank exits make the old route visibly unsafe.
- tumbler 2
Credible alternative
A licensed settlement path exists before the crisis peaks.
- tumbler 3
Reform owner
A governor or ministry accepts accountability for the switch.
| Trigger | Transition pressure | Source examples |
|---|---|---|
FX crisis | Restrictive -> permissive | Nigeria 2023-2024; Argentina 2024-2025 as a similar pressure case |
G-SIB exit | Reactive -> permissive | Each last-mile correspondent exit forces local reform pressure |
Reform-minded governor | Reactive -> proactive | Kenya CBK and Malaysia BNM under governors appointed in 2023 |
A balance-of-payments crisis removes the luxury of slow reform. Nigeria's 2023-2024 FX stress forced the CBN to reverse its 2021 crypto ban. Argentina's 2024-2025 peso dynamics are pushing similar changes.
FX crisis is a particularly effective trigger because it aligns political incentives across factions. The incumbent banking system is visibly failing. The technocratic argument for allowing stablecoin rails becomes politically survivable.
When a G-SIB closes its last correspondent relationship in a jurisdiction, the local banking system loses USD access. This forces the central bank to confront the alternative: either reopen the correspondent channel, which is hard and often infeasible, or formalize the stablecoin rails that are already serving demand informally.
This is why the Basel IV-driven de-risking wave is structurally important to reform. Each G-SIB exit is a localized reform trigger.
The most durable reforms come from central banks led by a Governor who treats payments modernization as a signature policy. Kenya, under CBK Governor Kamau Thugge from 2023, Malaysia, under BNM Governor Abdul Rasheed Ghaffour from 2023, and a handful of others fit this profile.
This is the slowest trigger because it depends on individual political appointments. But it produces the most structural reform because the Governor's support allows supervisory capacity to be built properly, not improvised under crisis.
What Breaks The Lock
The status quo breaks locally when economic failure, credible alternatives, and political will align at the same time.
The status quo breaks when three forces align simultaneously in a given jurisdiction: incumbent economics visibly fail, a credible alternative exists, and a political actor is willing to spend capital on the transition.
Each of the three is necessary. Two out of three produces narrative but not reform. The 2026-2030 window is where all three align in enough jurisdictions to shift the global average.
By 2028, 15-25 jurisdictions will have all three forces aligned. This is not a global reform. It is corridor-by-corridor substitution. The $10 trillion prefunding trap does not collapse. It shrinks corridor by corridor as the status quo coalition loses locally.
The aggregate effect over 2026-2030 is a 20-30% reduction in globally prefunded capital. That is the number to watch. The total is still enormous. The trend is what matters.
The facts in this analysis, including G-SIB float economics, central bank incentives, and reform lobby composition, are all documented. The interpretation is judgment. Reasonable analysts disagree about which of the three forces matters most and about the pace of alignment.
This piece takes a specific position: concentrated costs beat diffuse benefits until one of the three triggers fires, and then the local balance shifts rapidly. Other analysts might argue for faster or slower trajectories. The framework holds even when specific timelines differ.
Counter-Arguments & Limitations
The strongest critiques challenge whether float income is overstated and whether market cost gravity will outrun political triggers.
Every perspective has boundaries. The political-economy frame is one explanation among several. The strongest critics argue float economics are overstated and that reform will come from market pressure, not political triggers.
The argument: This piece treats G-SIB float income as a primary defender of the status quo. In practice, G-SIB treasury operations hedge nostro currency exposure and the "NIM on nostro deposits" framing oversimplifies modern bank funding. Some G-SIB correspondent units are net loss centers when fully allocated for compliance and capital costs. The political-economy story may overweight a revenue stream that is smaller than it appears.
Partially valid. The exact quantum is unknowable from public disclosures, and that opacity is itself part of the argument. But three offsetting points: (1) FSB correspondent banking data shows G-SIBs have selectively grown nostro books in profitable corridors while exiting unprofitable ones, suggesting the float economics are positive enough to defend; (2) tokenized deposit pilots from G-SIBs have universally chosen architectures that preserve bank balance sheet intermediation rather than disintermediate it; (3) even if float NIM is small, the embedded fee revenue and customer relationship value is large. The political defense holds even if the specific float number is debated.
The argument: Political-economy explanations work for technologies that are roughly cost-equivalent with incumbents. They break down when a new rail is 10x cheaper. By 2027-2028, tokenized deposit and regulated stablecoin economics will be sufficiently superior that customer demand forces banks to migrate, regardless of whether central banks or G-SIBs prefer to. The piece overweights political agency and underweights price gravity.
Valid in part. Cost gravity does eventually overwhelm political defenses. But the timing and locus matter: cost gravity acts asymmetrically across jurisdictions. In permissive jurisdictions, including the US under GENIUS and the EU under MiCA, cost competition will indeed dominate by 2028. In restrictive or reactive jurisdictions, the political triggers in this piece are still the binding constraint because cost gravity cannot operate without legal permission. The two explanations are complements, not alternatives.
About the Author
About This Perspective
Scope, disclosure, data vintage, and method.
Plexo builds a Stablecoin Clearing Network and marketplace for licensed financial institutions - structuring multi-party cross-border settlement, compliance packaging, and liquidity coordination across complex corridors. Plexo Institute publishes our perspective on the market we operate in. Our analysis reflects the vantage point of an infrastructure builder, not a neutral observer.
Framework draws on political-economy literature, including Olson, The Logic of Collective Action, Tsebelis on veto players, and Acemoglu and Robinson on institutional persistence, applied to cross-border payments infrastructure. Beneficiary identification synthesized from G-SIB segment disclosures, central bank operational reports, FSB correspondent banking data, and compliance-vendor market studies. Reform lobby taxonomy reflects observed positions from fintech industry groups, central bank speeches, corporate treasury surveys, and consumer advocacy reports from 2020-2026. Triggers section references documented reversals, including Nigeria 2023-2024, Malaysia BNM 2023 onward, and Kenya CBK 2023 onward. This is a Perspectives piece: the factual components are sourced but the interpretation is explicit judgment.
Continue Reading
The economic cost this piece explains politically - the capital scale and opportunity-cost thesis behind the political-economy frame.
The regulatory archetype framework this piece relies on - how jurisdictional stance shapes stablecoin infrastructure localization.
Why Basel IV accelerates the unlock - the capital rules that make correspondent banking less defensible at the margin.
References
Olson, M. The Logic of Collective Action. Harvard University Press, 1965.
Financial Stability Board. Correspondent Banking Data Report. 2011-2022 series.
Zschach, T. How Tokenized Deposits Could Transform Bank Liquidity Economics. LinkedIn, October 2025.
MEXC News. Circle: The $27T trapped capital thesis. 2026.
Circle. Why Liquidity Fragmentation Holds Back Global Payments. March 2026.
Outlook India. Why Do Pre-Funded Nostro and Vostro Accounts Create Inefficiencies. January 2026.
The Payments Association. Cross-border payments in 2026: friction and reform.
BIS CPMI. Cross-Border Payments Programme Reports. 2020-2026.
Evidence And Sources
This raw HTML export preserves source visibility for crawler and contractor review. Indexing decision: index, follow.
- The Logic of Collective Action - Mancur Olson / Harvard University Press
- Correspondent Banking Data Report - Financial Stability Board
- How Tokenized Deposits Could Transform Bank Liquidity Economics - Tom Zschach / LinkedIn
- Circle: The $27T trapped capital thesis - MEXC News
- Why Liquidity Fragmentation Holds Back Global Payments - Circle
- Why Do Pre-Funded Nostro and Vostro Accounts Create Inefficiencies - Outlook India
- Cross-border payments in 2026: friction and reform - The Payments Association
- Cross-Border Payments Programme Reports - BIS CPMI
